In the run-up to the upcoming EU–CELAC Summit, I reflected on the state of democracy in Europe and Latin America and the Caribbean— not only to commemorate the political and social achievements in strengthening our democratic institutions, but also to highlight, and above all to warn about, the challenges democracy faces today and the urgency of collective action to address them.
There was a moment in history when we might have argued that Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean were on different paths. That is no longer the case. On one hand crisis with global implications like climate change, mass migration, armed conflicts, transnational organized crime, trade wars, geopolitical tensions, and disinformation, are affecting us all. On the other hand, our two regions embody a shared set of political and social values that we must be ready to defend against destabilizing forces.
I believe that the greatest challenge we face today is the erosion of democracy and the Rule of Law, under assault by populist and nationalist movements, extremist groups and criminal organizations acting as agents of chaos. This, more than anything else, determines whether we succeed or fail in confronting all other global crises. Let us say it clearly: only through democracy can societies overcome their most acute threats.
Why? First, because democracy is inclusive, making every citizen a participant in public life. Second, because democracy is transparent, ensuring that people are informed and protected from corruption or abuse of power. Third, because democracy and the Rule of Law safeguard the dignity of every individual, giving them a voice in shaping our collective destiny. It is precisely these qualities that make our decisions long-lasting, legitimate, and widely accepted. While our democracies show shortcomings in each of these areas, the solution lies in confronting these challenges within the framework of democracy itself—not in dismantling it in favor of regimes that fundamentally subvert these principles.
That is why I want to focus on four factors that are undermining democracy and the Rule of Law in our regions and beyond—and on what we can do to address them.
The first factor is that our social contracts are changing in ways we can no longer ignore. They were built on the idea of the nation-state. But today the nation-state looks very different. Global challenges and structural forces like globalization have reshaped it. Our societies are more multicultural. Communities change constantly as people move across borders. Our economies are tied together and more exposed to shocks from abroad. Yet our tax systems remain outdated, inequalities continue to rise, and individuals without safety nets to shield them from the adverse effects of multiple crises are experiencing unprecedented feelings of uncertainty and insecurity, according to the Human Development Report 2023 . All this puts enormous pressure on the social contract: on our ability to hold societies together and to give people confidence in their future.
Visible cracks in our social contracts are also shaking representative democracy. Disenchantment with democratic institutions has many causes, but at its core, citizens judge their representatives by one simple test: do they deliver public services and real improvements in people’s lives? Recent data show the scale of the challenge. In Europe, only 41% of citizens say they are satisfied with democracy, while 51% are not . In Latin America, the picture is even starker: just one-third are satisfied, and almost two-thirds dissatisfied .
Now, dissatisfaction is not always a bad thing. It can mean accountability, debate, and the chance to replace leaders through elections. But when dissatisfaction becomes persistent, it can open the door to authoritarian temptations. In Latin America, the proportion of individuals who express indifference toward a non-democratic government assuming power, provided it addresses their demands, has increased from 44% in 2002 to 54% in 2023.
To prevent further decline of democracy and preserve it, we must ensure that social contracts within our nations are both broadened and upheld. That means tackling existing inequalities, strengthening social protection mechanisms, and modernizing our institutions with cutting-edge technology to ensure greater efficiency and transparency. It also means renewing and rewiring the traditional channels of democratic participation, mainly parliaments and political parties, while designing and putting forward new mechanisms for citizen participation that could have a real impact in decision and policymaking processes. These are just some of the ways we can begin to change the status quo and to reimagine the cooperation among our regions.
This leads me to the second factor I want to address: the nature of political leadership, worldwide and in our regions. Being a democrat is, historically, a relatively recent phenomenon. By contrast, autocrats and abusers of power have been with us for centuries. This does not mean they will prevail, but it does mean we must remain vigilant.
Today, authoritarian and populist leaders—from both the left and the right, often with extreme or fundamentalist views—are exploiting people’s discontent and the geopolitical and economic uncertainty around the world. In some cases, they undermine the Rule of Law through legal subterfuges; in others, they openly attack the separation of powers and oversight institutions. Even when such leaders enjoy popular support and their mandates are validated at the ballot box, we must be alert about the shrinking of civic space.
Among the drivers of electoral backsliding are the erosion of civil liberties and restrictions on citizens’ freedoms to mobilize, debate, and express their views . According to the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the 2023–2025 electoral super-cycle has “deepened and expanded trends towards political repression and a shrinking of space for civic engagement.” The answer is clear: empower civil society, academia, social leaders, judges, prosecutors and journalist. Yet support for them is declining, especially in Latin America and the Caribbean. Reviving that support is essential to defend—and to rebuild—our democracies and should be part of the bi-regional cooperation agenda.
Political polarization—so much sharper in Latin America than in other parts of the world —must also be confronted. It is poisoning democracy from within. We must champion narratives of understanding, empathy, and informed dialogue. Because today, what should be common has become rare: democratic governance.
The third factor concerns how we confront the complex defense and security challenges that both our regions face—without further eroding democratic values or debilitating our social contracts. Autocratic leaders, warlords, and criminal organizations represent a third great threat to democracy. Events such as Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine and its impact on European and global peace and stability, or the menace posed by drug cartels and local gangs to the communities and institutions of Latin America and the Caribbean, are testing the deepest fibers of our democratic systems.
We must not undermine human rights, the Rule of Law, or international law—whether in our efforts to combat crime or in our pursuit of ending senseless conflicts. Nor should we accept the false choice of reducing social investment in the name of increasing defense spending. That is exactly what disruptive actors want. This is why we must not only strengthen cooperation between our regions on security but also act together to reform the multilateral system—so it is more representative, more effective, and better able to confront global threats while fostering cooperation and understanding among nations.
Finally, the last threat I wish to highlight is disinformation—and the undue power of technology companies to override sovereign efforts to contain the spread of malicious content. We understand that technology is difficult to regulate and that excessive rules can hinder productivity and innovation. But technology companies are not above the law.
We can and should agree on international frameworks for their operation, taking their input into account. Yet, only democratically elected bodies have the legitimacy to set the boundaries of their activities. Recent cases of major technology firms disregarding, or even pressuring, authorities in Europe and Latin America who sought to enforce the law are unacceptable. Such actions undermine the Rule of Law and create unnecessary instability.
For the second year in a row, disinformation and misinformation have been ranked as the most severe global risk —both in the short and the long term. Indeed, 38% of EU citizens identify “false and misleading information, online and offline” as the single greatest threat to democracy. Governments therefore have both the responsibility and the legitimacy to protect their institutions and respond to citizens’ concerns. In this domain, Europe offers valuable insights to Latin America regarding its collective efforts to regulate digital technologies. More importantly, both regions should unite to advance frameworks for governing AI and digital technologies at the multilateral level like the Global Digital Compact.
Costa Rica has long been recognized for its exceptional democratic record—one of only fifteen full democracies in the world. Today, however—amid unprecedented attacks on the separation of powers, weakened institutions, and a crisis of insecurity—it serves as a powerful reminder that democratic achievements are never guaranteed. We must defend democracy every single day, with every instrument that our laws and Constitution provide—and we must do it together.
I wish the EU–CELAC Summit in Cartagena this November every success. May the voices fighting for liberal democracy be present, and may they be heard. Let this effort to reactivate the bi-regional Summit be not only a chance to protect our democratic gains, but also an opportunity to imagine new ones.
(The opinions expressed in this blog are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the EU-LAC Foundation).